Putin's commissar

Political life in the Kirov region traditionally revives on the eve of elections - now to the State Duma. New times - new faces. Sergey Babkin, appointed head of Vladimir Putin's public reception in the Kirov region, shared his thoughts on the situation in his native region, holding primaries and new opportunities for dialogue between society and authorities.

Who decided for whom

Sergey Leonidovich, how did the famous general from Chechnya come to us in Vyatka?
- Weird question. My roots are from here, my parents come from the Kumensky district, I spent my childhood in Selezenevka, after school I entered the Tyumen Higher Engineering Command School of Engineering Troops, and only then military fate took me around Russia. I come to Kirov every year, to my parents, now only to my mother. And every time I notice how the city is getting prettier, new houses appear, gardens, schools are being repaired, new industries are opening. Of course, everything cannot be super-prosperous, but in the region, for example, roads began to be repaired and even built - it is quite possible to get to your native places, to hunt in our richest forests. So, in fact, I returned to my homeland.

Many see in your visit a continuation of the "anti-crisis policy" of "United Russia" in the region - it is no secret that the assessments of the situation on behalf of party functionaries are very unflattering. So, Sergei Neverov directly dubbed the Kirov region "the most problematic region." Did this decision come easily to you - to come here to work in such a difficult period for the party?

- I made the decision to come to Kirov myself, like all decisions in my life - thoughtfully and carefully. No one “directed” me, you see, it is difficult to order a lieutenant general ... But seriously, I do not agree with the assessments of the region as “particularly problematic”. There are enough problems everywhere, and not being afraid to see them, to declare them is already the first step towards starting to solve these problems. Such assessments may be based on the not brilliant results of the past elections. Well, we need to learn lessons from everything ... And how - more harmoniously or not - the Legislative Assembly of the Kirov Region is now working, does the desire of some oppositionists to inflate the conflict out of nothing to the detriment of legislative work - to judge the inhabitants of the region. Both Kirov itself and the region are far from the worst in Russia.

Once a year is not often. Now you have to "settle" here. Have you already got a general impression of the “problematic” nature of the region?
I have a lot of impressions about the region, I have already managed to travel a lot around the Kirov region since the moment of my appointment, participating in the primaries of United Russia and the Popular Front. Believe the officer, I have seen a lot in this life, I had the opportunity to serve in rather turbulent regions, to travel as a military man throughout Russia, and I can say that we, the people of Kirov, have passed ethnic conflicts, extremism, we have a fairly peaceful region. Nature does not offend Vyatka either, neither tornadoes nor floods - everything is calm, just live and work. Therefore, I am sure that we live no worse than others, and those problems that exist are typical for many territories of Russia and are completely solvable. Of course, not overnight, some need serious systemic decisions at the federation level. And if in the public reception room V.V. About ten people contact Putin every day, which means that people need help, support, they are sure that they will really help to deal with their problem ...

I propose to talk about the reception a little later. Maybe some other impressions?
The main ones are: political activity, which is noticeable in comparison with other regions, and at the same time, the situation in the real life of the population is not too joyful. From the point of view of politics in the region, political parties and social movements are indeed quite active. The question is different - how much do ordinary residents of the region need it, what does it give them? We have problems that are typical for other regions of Russia - I'm talking about the quality of healthcare services, the state of regional roads, the situation in housing and communal services. About everything that together creates the quality of life that people need. Not all is well with this. And we need to understand, to draw conclusions, why this is happening. In Kirov, I am still getting used to a new position, for me a very serious and responsible one. And in response to those who decided that I was sent here to “wave a saber”, I want to say right away that I am not a supporter of drastic decisions, I am for cooperation and dialogue for the good of the cause.

About partners

You have to work with Vyacheslav Timchenko. Why don’t they just talk about it: and that he brought you, and that you have been together for many years, both from Tyumen ...
- I know Vyacheslav Stepanovich not so long ago - for the first time we met here, in Kirov, where he and I came to get acquainted with a new field of activity. It turned out that at the same time both lived in the Tyumen region, without even knowing each other - I served there, he worked. And in Siberia, they don’t keep weaklings, they need a strong character there. I think we'll work.
The most important thing to which our work should be directed is the development of an open dialogue between the government and society. I am sure that if the authorities really hear and understand the inhabitants of the region, and the population, in turn, takes an active part in making important decisions, the situation in life, in the economy, in solving pressing issues will change for the better. There is room to move.

This also applies to the receptionist. I get acquainted with the cases, it is clear that a lot of work has been done. But, like any person with a fresh look at the situation, I think I can offer something of my own - something that will help make the work more efficient. And here again we are talking about the openness of power, about the readiness to meet halfway - the task is to unite all political forces, public initiative, the possibilities of power so that people in our region feel comfortable living, so that they strive to come to the Kirov region. I think it's possible.

It is surprising that Timchenko and I have not yet met - so often fate could bring us together. For example, I served in Tyumen, and he worked there, however, at different times. I also served for several years in Rostov-on-Don, and Timchenko comes from near Rostov.

Would you go on reconnaissance with him?
“I am, as they say, an old soldier. I know the words of love, but before I say it, I will think carefully. It takes time to get to know a person. Exploration is serious business. For me, all this is not just words, such a position has been verified by combat experience.

In your opinion, what were the goals pursued by the federal leadership by transferring your predecessor Igor Igoshin from Vyatka to Vladimir?
- The question is in the wrong place, you will agree. Firstly, I am sure that the federal leadership had well-reasoned reasons for this, and secondly, I can’t judge a person whom I don’t even know. If it happened, then it must be so. My task is to work, to debug the work of the reception in the new conditions, when the All-Russian People's Front joined the activities of the United Russia party. And if anyone doubts that the Popular Front is already a political reality, then they can calm down - for example, I am not a member of United Russia, I am a representative of the Popular Front from the All-Russian Organization of Veterans of the Armed Forces.

But at the same time, you will manage the work of the party leader's reception room, do you really consider it an effective tool for solving the problems of the population?
- I may repeat myself, but if every day up to ten people come to the reception with their problems and aspirations, then the work of the receptionist is needed. If this is not the first year, it means that people confirm their confidence in the effectiveness of our work with their appeals. What is important, the receptionist is not a “magic wand”, I, as the head of the receptionist, will not go to patch a leaky roof or roll up the street to someone’s village with asphalt. By the way, how simple Sergey Babkin is, I can do it, my hands grow from the right place, as my wife says. The task of the receptionist is also to deeply analyze the problems, offering them to be assessed systematically by the federal center, directly, bypassing long ups and downs with various departments and structures. The reception is like a direct phone to the leader of the party, which in our country, no matter how anyone else wants something else, is responsible for everything. And since he answers, he is not afraid of this responsibility - to rake day after day of outdated problems, to solve the most difficult issues - then, accordingly, he receives his share of criticism, but what about. Only those who do nothing are not criticized. And we in the waiting room, all the more, take the “blow on ourselves” - for all the rude doctors, for all the not very polite and efficient officials, even for the heat in summer and snow in winter.

And will you conduct the reception of citizens?
- I'm already on it. I think it is important to feel the problems of people yourself, to understand the reasons why this or that problem arises. Involve public organizations in their solution, we have a lot of active people, people who think and are not indifferent.

Are you thinking of doing personnel changes in Putin's office?
- Not yet. There is no such end in itself - someone must be changed. Why do you say bye? Because everything happens in life, it’s hard to guess, people also work in the reception, not robots.

Governor Nikita Belykh has not held a single reception at Putin's Public Reception Room. Do not invite him to "catch up"?
- We are ready to work with everyone. The more opportunities the receptionist will have, the more effectively issues will be resolved.

Party shake-ups

It is believed that the election policy of United Russia in the Kirov region will be based (on the tacit instructions of the party leadership) on criticism of the governor and the government of the region. Can you already name some fundamental points with which you disagree? Will you offer something to counterbalance Belykh and his team?
- Let's start with the main thing - I did not receive any such installations. I consider it unreasonable to build work on criticism for the sake of criticism. If there is something to criticize for - believe me, we will criticize regardless of “ranks and titles”, but there is a good expression “ Criticize, suggest". I think it is on such relationships that joint, I emphasize, joint work will be built. And you know, it can turn out, as in the well-known saying: whose forelocks will crack? I'm being ascribed to me in the regional press various "power tricks", but I'm sure that if something can be solved by the world, then this is how it should work. Strength is in the unity of opinions and actions, everything else is vanity. Yes, we will get rid of bureaucracy, we will continue to “deploy” the bureaucracy to the people, but we will also try to involve the public in resolving some issues.

Did you manage to communicate with representatives of the Kirov elites? Was the dialogue constructive? Are there any questions for the local party leadership?
- You have an interesting division ... Well, I will say - I talked with the elites. With the main, in my opinion, elite - people, the population. I met a lot in the primaries with electors - simple teachers, doctors, workers. I sincerely believe that the elite are our people. Everything else is from the evil one. About the "top" - I also note that the name "responsible people" is more familiar to me. Actually, they made such an impression on me. The rest will show the overall work. Of course, it has not yet been possible to get acquainted with the entire political council - and this is more than 50 people. Everything is ahead.

"United Russia" today is criticized by all and sundry. As a result - an indicator in the March elections to the Legislative Assembly. The vote was in protest. Are people tired of the brand or has the party in the region been discredited by the people who represent it?
- There can be many reasons, I hope all of them are analyzed. And in other regions too. And as for criticism, I will add that United Russia is easy to criticize, because it is in plain sight. You are driving along the road - questions to United Russia. You go to the hospital, too. It is easier for other parties - they are trying to play on people's moods, and not change something for the better, in my opinion. You know this, as in a joke: “Again, you salted borscht! “Well, I won’t cook.” We cannot afford this - we will cook, salt and work, someone should work, not talk.

Kirov "United Russia" became famous for their intrigues already in the capital. Are you going to nip such games with Timchenko in the bud?
- In any organization there is a period of growth, which is accompanied by various situations. I think that the Kirov "United Russia" will survive this period of renewal with honor and will continue to work in full force.

Why are you so confident about this?
- Because, to be honest, I was very inspired by the nationwide primaries of United Russia and the Popular Front taking place in the region. This is not just a preliminary vote, not just a selection of the best among the deserving, it is also a valuable experience of communication between party members and representatives of public organizations that have joined the front. We heard each other, honestly expressing our point of view, somewhere there was criticism, but there were also many suggestions. Because now more than ever it is important to unite - only together can we solve the serious tasks that life sets before us. And this is no longer about political struggle, but about the struggle to ensure that the eternal old problems are solved, that the authorities and the population understand each other, that the region advances in its development.

Dossier:
Babkin Sergey Leonidovich
Date and place of birth: was born in 1960 in the village of Partizan, Abatsky district, Tyumen region, where Babkin's parents worked after being distributed after graduating from the Kirov Agricultural Institute (parents come from the Kumensky district).

Education: in 1977, after graduating from the Selezenevskaya secondary school in the Zuevsky district, he entered the Tyumen Higher Engineering Command School of Engineering Troops.

Career: Since 1984 he has been enlisted in the bodies of the KGB of the USSR. In 1990 he graduated from the Red Banner Institute of the KGB of the USSR named after Yu.V. Andropov. From 2001 to 2003 - Head of the FSB Directorate for the Chechen Republic. Then he was appointed head of the FSB Directorate for the Moscow Military District. In May 2011, according to a report, he was transferred to the reserve in connection with ongoing organizational changes.
For the period of service in the FSB, he was awarded the orders "For Merit to the Fatherland 3rd, 4th Class", "Courage", "For Military Merit", numerous departmental and public medals, personalized weapons. Honorary Officer of the State Security Bodies. FSB reserve lieutenant general.

Family status: married, has three sons.

Interviewed Alexander Grislis [email protected]

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08.08.2011 4224

Political life in the Kirov region traditionally revives on the eve of elections - now to the State Duma. New times - new faces. Sergey Babkin, appointed head of Vladimir Putin's public reception in the Kirov region, shared his thoughts on the situation in his native region, holding primaries and new opportunities for dialogue between society and authorities.

Who decided for whom

Sergey Leonidovich, how did the famous general from Chechnya come to us in Vyatka?
- Weird question. My roots are from here, my parents come from the Kumensky district, I spent my childhood in Selezenevka, after school I entered the Tyumen Higher Engineering Command School of Engineering Troops, and only then military fate took me around Russia. I come to Kirov every year, to my parents, now only to my mother. And every time I notice how the city is getting prettier, new houses appear, gardens, schools are being repaired, new industries are opening. Of course, everything cannot be super-prosperous, but in the region, for example, roads began to be repaired and even built - it is quite possible to get to your native places, to hunt in our richest forests. So, in fact, I returned to my homeland.

Many see your visit as a continuation of United Russia's "anti-crisis policy" in the region - it's no secret that party functionaries' assessments of the situation sound very unflattering. So, Sergei Neverov directly dubbed the Kirov region "the most problematic region." Did this decision come easily to you - to come here to work in such a difficult period for the party?
- I made the decision to come to Kirov myself, like all decisions in my life - thoughtfully and carefully. No one “directed” me, you see, it is difficult to order a lieutenant general ... But seriously, I do not agree with the assessments of the region as “particularly problematic”. There are enough problems everywhere, and not being afraid to see them, to declare them is already the first step towards starting to solve these problems. Such assessments may be based on the not brilliant results of the past elections. Well, we need to learn lessons from everything ... And how - more harmoniously or not - the Legislative Assembly of the Kirov Region is now working, does the desire of some oppositionists to inflate the conflict out of nothing to the detriment of legislative work - to judge the inhabitants of the region. Both Kirov itself and the region are far from the worst in Russia.

Once a year is not often. Now you have to "settle" here. Have you already got a general impression of the “problematic” nature of the region?
I have a lot of impressions about the region, I have already managed to travel a lot around the Kirov region since the moment of my appointment, participating in the primaries of United Russia and the Popular Front. Believe the officer, I have seen a lot in this life, I had the opportunity to serve in rather turbulent regions, to travel as a military man throughout Russia, and I can say that we, the people of Kirov, have passed ethnic conflicts, extremism, we have a fairly peaceful region. Nature does not offend Vyatka either, neither tornadoes nor floods - everything is calm, just live and work. Therefore, I am sure that we live no worse than others, and those problems that exist are typical for many territories of Russia and are completely solvable. Of course, not overnight, some need serious systemic decisions at the federation level. And if in the public reception room V.V. About ten people contact Putin every day, which means that people need help, support, they are sure that they will really help to deal with their problem ...

I propose to talk about the reception a little later. Maybe some other impressions?
The main ones are: political activity, which is noticeable in comparison with other regions, and at the same time, the situation in the real life of the population is not too joyful. From the point of view of politics in the region, political parties and social movements are indeed quite active. The question is different - how much do ordinary residents of the region need it, what does it give them? We have problems that are typical for other regions of Russia - I'm talking about the quality of healthcare services, the state of regional roads, the situation in housing and communal services. About everything that together creates the quality of life that people need. Not all is well with this. And we need to understand, to draw conclusions, why this is happening. In Kirov, I am still getting used to a new position, for me a very serious and responsible one. And in response to those who decided that I was sent here to “wave a saber”, I want to say right away that I am not a supporter of drastic decisions, I am for cooperation and dialogue for the good of the cause.

About partners

You have to work with Vyacheslav Timchenko. Why don’t they just talk about it: and that he brought you, and that you have been together for many years, both from Tyumen ...
- I know Vyacheslav Stepanovich not so long ago - for the first time we met here, in Kirov, where he and I came to get acquainted with a new field of activity. It turned out that at the same time both lived in the Tyumen region, without even knowing each other - I served there, he worked. And in Siberia, they don’t keep weaklings, they need a strong character there. I think we'll work.
The most important thing to which our work should be directed is the development of an open dialogue between the government and society. I am sure that if the authorities really hear and understand the inhabitants of the region, and the population, in turn, takes an active part in making important decisions, the situation in life, in the economy, in solving pressing issues will change for the better. There is room to move.

This also applies to the receptionist. I get acquainted with the cases, it is clear that a lot of work has been done. But, like any person with a fresh look at the situation, I think I can offer something of my own - something that will help make the work more efficient. And here again we are talking about the openness of power, about the readiness to meet halfway - the task is to unite all political forces, public initiative, the possibilities of power so that people in our region feel comfortable living, so that they strive to come to the Kirov region. I think it's possible.

It is surprising that Timchenko and I have not yet met - so often fate could bring us together. For example, I served in Tyumen, and he worked there, however, at different times. I also served for several years in Rostov-on-Don, and Timchenko comes from near Rostov.

Would you go on reconnaissance with him?
“I am, as they say, an old soldier. I know the words of love, but before I say it, I will think carefully. It takes time to get to know a person. Exploration is serious business. For me, all this is not just words, such a position has been verified by combat experience.

In your opinion, what were the goals pursued by the federal leadership by transferring your predecessor Igor Igoshin from Vyatka to Vladimir?
- The question is in the wrong place, you will agree. Firstly, I am sure that the federal leadership had well-reasoned reasons for this, and secondly, I can’t judge a person whom I don’t even know. If it happened, then it must be so. My task is to work, to debug the work of the reception in the new conditions, when the All-Russian Popular Front has also joined the activities of the United Russia party. And if anyone doubts that the Popular Front is already a political reality, then they can calm down - for example, I am not a member of United Russia, I am a representative of the Popular Front from the All-Russian Organization of Veterans of the Armed Forces.

But at the same time, you will manage the work of the party leader's reception room, do you really consider it an effective tool for solving the problems of the population?
- I may repeat myself, but if every day up to ten people come to the reception with their problems and aspirations, then the work of the receptionist is needed. If this is not the first year, it means that people confirm their confidence in the effectiveness of our work with their appeals. What is important, the receptionist is not a “magic wand”, I, as the head of the receptionist, will not go to patch a leaky roof or roll up the street to someone’s village with asphalt. By the way, how simple Sergey Babkin is, I can do it, my hands grow from the right place, as my wife says. The task of the receptionist is also to deeply analyze the problems, offering them to be assessed systematically by the federal center, directly, bypassing long ups and downs with various departments and structures. The reception is like a direct phone to the leader of the party, which in our country, no matter how anyone else wants something else, is responsible for everything. And since he answers, he is not afraid of this responsibility - to rake day after day of outdated problems, to solve the most difficult issues - then, accordingly, he receives his share of criticism, but what about. Only those who do nothing are not criticized. And we in the waiting room, all the more, take the “blow on ourselves” - for all the rude doctors, for all the not very polite and efficient officials, even for the heat in summer and snow in winter.

And will you conduct the reception of citizens?
- I'm already on it. I think it is important to feel the problems of people yourself, to understand the reasons why this or that problem arises. Involve public organizations in their solution, we have a lot of active people, people who think and are not indifferent.

Are you thinking of doing personnel changes in Putin's office?
- Not yet. There is no such end in itself - someone must be changed. Why do you say bye? Because everything happens in life, it’s hard to guess, people also work in the reception, not robots.

Governor Nikita Belykh has not held a single reception at Putin's Public Reception Room. Do not invite him to "catch up"?
- We are ready to work with everyone. The more opportunities the receptionist will have, the more effectively issues will be resolved.

Party shake-ups

It is believed that United Russia's election policy in the Kirov region will be based (on the tacit instructions of the party leadership) on criticism of the governor and the government of the region. Can you already name some fundamental points with which you disagree? Will you offer something to counterbalance Belykh and his team?
- Let's start with the main thing - I did not receive any such installations. I consider it unreasonable to build work on criticism for the sake of criticism. If there is something to criticize for - believe me, we will criticize, regardless of "ranks and titles", but there is a good expression "Criticizing, offer." I think it is on such relationships that joint, I emphasize, joint work will be built. And you know, it can turn out, as in the well-known saying: whose forelocks will crack? I'm being ascribed to me in the regional press various "power tricks", but I'm sure that if something can be solved by the world, then this is how it should work. Strength is in the unity of opinions and actions, everything else is vanity. Yes, we will get rid of bureaucracy, we will continue to “deploy” the bureaucracy to the people, but we will also try to involve the public in resolving some issues.

Did you manage to communicate with representatives of the Kirov elites? Was the dialogue constructive? Are there any questions for the local party leadership?
- You have an interesting division ... Well, I will say - I talked with the elites. With the main, in my opinion, elite - people, the population. I met a lot in the primaries with electors - simple teachers, doctors, workers. I sincerely believe that the elite are our people. Everything else is from the evil one. About the "top" - I also note that the name "responsible people" is more familiar to me. Actually, they made such an impression on me. The rest will show the overall work. Of course, it has not yet been possible to get acquainted with the entire political council - and this is more than 50 people. Everything is ahead.

"United Russia" today is criticized by all and sundry. As a result - an indicator in the March elections to the Legislative Assembly. The vote was in protest. Are people tired of the brand or has the party in the region been discredited by the people who represent it?
- There can be many reasons, I hope all of them are analyzed. And in other regions too. As for criticism, I would add that United Russia is easy to criticize because it is in plain sight. You go on the road - questions to the "United Russia". You go to the hospital, too. It is easier for other parties - they are trying to play on people's moods, and not change something for the better, in my opinion. You know this, as in a joke: “Again, you salted borscht! “Well, I won’t cook.” We cannot afford this - we will cook, salt and work, someone should work, not talk.

Kirov "United Russia" became famous for their intrigues already in the capital. Are you going to nip such games with Timchenko in the bud?
- In any organization there is a period of growth, which is accompanied by various situations. I think that the Kirov "United Russia" will survive this period of renewal with honor and will continue to work in full force.

Why are you so confident about this?
- Because, to be honest, I was very inspired by the nationwide primaries of United Russia and the Popular Front taking place in the region. This is not just a preliminary vote, not just a selection of the best among the deserving, it is also a valuable experience of communication between party members and representatives of public organizations that have joined the front. We heard each other, honestly expressing our point of view, somewhere there was criticism, but there were also many suggestions. Because now more than ever it is important to unite - only together can we solve the serious tasks that life sets before us. And this is no longer about political struggle, but about the struggle to ensure that the eternal old problems are solved, that the authorities and the population understand each other, that the region advances in its development.

Dossier:
Babkin Sergey Leonidovich
Date and place of birth: was born in 1960 in the village of Partizan, Abatsky district, Tyumen region, where Babkin's parents worked after being distributed after graduating from the Kirov Agricultural Institute (parents come from the Kumensky district).

Education: in 1977, after graduating from the Selezenevskaya secondary school in the Zuevsky district, he entered the Tyumen Higher Engineering Command School of Engineering Troops.

Career: Since 1984 he has been enlisted in the bodies of the KGB of the USSR. In 1990 he graduated from the Red Banner Institute of the KGB of the USSR named after Yu.V. Andropov. From 2001 to 2003 - Head of the FSB Directorate for the Chechen Republic. Then he was appointed head of the FSB Directorate for the Moscow Military District. In May 2011, according to a report, he was transferred to the reserve in connection with ongoing organizational changes.
For the period of service in the FSB, he was awarded the Orders "For Merit to the Fatherland 3rd, 4th Class", "Courage", "For Military Merit", numerous departmental and public medals, personalized weapons. Honorary Officer of the State Security Bodies. FSB reserve lieutenant general.

The modern history of Russia has not yet been written. The more important are the testimonies of the participants and eyewitnesses of the events. Our today's interlocutor is retired Lieutenant General of the FSB Sergei Leonidovich Babkin. In 1999-2000, during the counter-terrorist operation on the territory of the Chechen Republic, he was the head of the FSB task force of the federal forces in the North Caucasus "West", commanded by Vladimir Shamanov, and in 2001-2003 he worked as the head of the FSB in the Chechen Republic.

- Sergey Leonidovich, the situation in the North Caucasus at the beginning of the second Chechen campaign was difficult...

Sergey Babkin: The situation was extremely difficult. According to the Khasavyurt agreements, Chechnya gained de facto independence from Russia. Federal bodies of state power did not act on its territory. It would seem that Chechnya has achieved what it fought for - independence. But here, nothing happened.

The central Chechen government was more nominal than real. There was a simple rule in the republic: whoever has more trunks is right. The republic actually turned into a criminal enclave, on the territory of which no laws worked at all. Various criminals from all over Russia fled there en masse and found refuge there.

Kidnappings and the slave trade flourished. Hundreds of people in all regions of Russia were forcibly captured and transported to Chechnya. Then they were either demanded a ransom or turned into slaves. The republic became a hotbed of world terrorism. The well-known terrorist Khattab organized training camps for militants, various terrorist attacks were planned there, which were then carried out in Russia.

On this soil, Wahhabism flourished, which, under the slogan of creating a caliphate, led to an attempt to spread these orders beyond the borders of Chechnya, to the entire North Caucasus. Armed detachments of militants invaded Dagestan and tried to take it under their control. The patience of the federal authorities has run out. Thus began the second Chechen war.

- Did the Chechens like such orders?

Sergey Babkin: Most did not like it at all, but they simply had nowhere to go. But there were also real forces in Chechnya that tried to oppose these orders. First of all, these are groups controlled by Akhmad Kadyrov and the Yamadayev brothers. From the very beginning of the campaign, the federal authorities took a course of cooperation with them, and this decision contributed to the successful implementation of the tasks set.

- What tasks did the federal troops face in Chechnya?

Sergey Babkin: The first is to defeat the militants and restore constitutional order. At the same time, to minimize the losses of personnel and the civilian population - peaceful Chechens. General Shamanov, who commanded the western grouping of troops in 1999, agreed with entire regions and their elders that he would not bomb the corresponding settlements, and from there there would be no shelling of federal troops. Of course, the elders took a big risk, because in the eyes of the militants they looked like "traitors". And yet it worked. The Chechens even handed over their weapons - not much, but they handed over.

- Why was the second Chechen campaign more successful than the first?

Sergey Babkin: Much has changed in Russia itself. On December 31, 1999, President Yeltsin left his post and handed over powers to Vladimir Putin. The first thing he did was to fly to Chechnya and congratulate the servicemen on the New Year. I remember well - it then made a tremendous impression on everyone. If in the first Chechen war the federal troops were constantly haunted by some sense of betrayal on the part of the authorities, then in the second there was confidence that this time the matter would be brought to an end. The army and special services got the opportunity to work as they know how - professionally.

Much has changed in Chechnya. The euphoria from the "struggle for freedom" has gone, the independence that has been gained turned out to be not at all attractive for the majority. Therefore, the federal troops were already perceived by the population as liberators.

The defeat of the militants was, in general, predetermined. But this was only the beginning of a solution to a much more complex problem.

- Which?

Sergey Babkin: Reconstruction of the Chechen economy, its reintegration into the Russian economic space. It is impossible to convey in words what the economy of the republic was like. There are practically no industrial enterprises - in some places there are handicraft industries. The education system is destroyed, health care - too. Even subsistence agriculture was dangerous - many fields were mined. The almost complete absence of energy, roads, infrastructure. It can be said that not only did the economy not exist, it existed with a minus sign. And without the economy, there can be no peaceful stable life.

- And how did the economic recovery begin?

Sergey Babkin: From frames. At that time, Chechnya did not have its own managerial personnel of such a scale as to create from scratch the economy and financial system of the whole republic. After all, Chechnya fought for many years, not educated people were in demand, but those who knew how to hold weapons. Therefore, qualified specialists from all over Russia were invited. An experienced power engineer, business executive Stanislav Ilyasov was appointed chairman of the government of Chechnya. He comes from Dagestan, so he was perceived as "his". And Sergei Abramov, a strong professional with a Caucasian character, became the Minister of Finance. Oleg Zhidkov, an experienced Caucasian politician, was invited to the post of mayor of Grozny. With them came small teams of like-minded people. I would like to emphasize that accepting an offer to work in Chechnya required from the candidates not only high professionalism, but also considerable personal courage.

- And what was it?

Sergey Babkin: At the time, it was a very dangerous job. All members of the government took with them to work not only a briefcase with official documents, but also a machine gun. There was no other way... I remember the difficult conditions under which the government and administration moved from Gudermes to Grozny in May-July 2001. The city was destroyed, daily shelling and explosions, working and living conditions are literally Spartan, and at the same time, a lot of urgent and responsible decisions had to be made.

Or the population census conducted in Russia and, of course, in Chechnya in 2002. How can you plan something without knowing how many people live in the republic and which of them can work? So, the census takers went from house to house, accompanied by military commandant's offices or employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. And how many terrorist attacks aimed at destroying census data were stopped by the FSB!

But it was the members of the government who had the hardest time. Here is the Sergei Abramov I mentioned. In what only alterations did not visit. Once he was late for a helicopter - and right before his eyes he was shot down, everyone on board died. In December 2002, suicide bombers attacked the Government House, killing and injuring a large number of people. The explosion was so powerful that the engine from the "Kamaz" of the terrorists broke through the building and got stuck in the last wall. She saved Abramov's employees and himself. Then he survived several more assassination attempts. And he did not break down, he entered the history of Chechnya as an "inflexible" finance minister, and then as a prime minister.

- And why "inflexible"?

Sergey Babkin: Because "it's so simple", without legal grounds, he did not give money to anyone. Once Abramov was even shot for this. He, let's say, a group of local residents armed with machine guns demanded a large amount of money from the republican treasury. Having received a refusal, Abramov was taken out into the street, placed against the wall, took aim and fired a volley, as it turned out later, overhead. But they never received a penny. A lot can be said about the difficult everyday life of everyone who has taken on the heavy burden of establishing a peaceful life in Chechnya. I'm not talking about law enforcement officers who daily committed heroic deeds. This is a separate topic, and you can talk about it for hours.

- How was the result assessed? According to the reports of the authorities or the military?

Sergey Babkin: Not only reports. First, the President of Russia personally repeatedly studied the situation, made adjustments, visiting both Grozny and remote areas. Secondly, Sergei Ivanov, who was then the Minister of Defense, constantly came to Chechnya. In addition to inspecting the troops of the 42nd division, which worked in Chechnya, he actively participated in the establishment of a peaceful life. Somewhere he helped with advice, but somewhere he used the resources of the Ministry of Defense. And when a leader personally sees how things are going on the ground, you can't fool him with fake reporting.

Nikolay Patrushev, head of the Operational Headquarters (OSh), director of the FSB, heads of the State Duma, ministries and departments regularly visited the republic. They immediately made a lot of decisions directly in the Chechen Republic and provided practical assistance to local authorities.

And the results were not long in coming. For example, they opened the Argun thermal power plant with great enthusiasm, met the first plane after the restoration of air communication with the republic, the first train, and rejoiced at the first calls by cellular communication.

In 2003, kindergartens and schools began to appear in military camps. The officers brought the families to Chechnya. This, of course, is an indicator that peaceful life has been actively developing. After all, who, if not officers, knew the real state of affairs.

- For three years have passed a way to a peaceful life?

Sergey Babkin: Not certainly in that way. But three years later it became possible to bring the families of military personnel, life was much calmer and safer. Although the process of liquidating bandit formations, as a rule, is very long. For example, after the Great Patriotic War, the "forest brothers" in the Baltic States were destroyed for more than ten years. Basmachi after the civilian in Central Asia - about the same. When the territory of Chechnya was completely taken under control by the army, the militants switched to partisan tactics, and the difficult work began to identify and destroy them. On the one hand, law enforcement agencies worked, and on the other, an economic base was created, jobs were opened so that people could quickly return to civilian life. Of course, all this was very difficult, each step forward improved the situation, but it still remained very far from the norm.

- But nevertheless, we managed to restore the economy of Chechnya, it is gaining momentum, the life of Chechens is changing for the better ...

Sergey Babkin: Managed. Most people think that all this is due to the fact that a lot of federal money was sent to the republic. This, of course, is true. And now I think more about those people with whom I then had to work together. If it were not for their heroic work in the full sense of the word, now in Chechnya it would be completely different.

Just as the human body cannot live with a gaping wound, so Russia cannot live with a wide open territory that is extremely difficult to protect, based on the realities of geography and the centuries-old traditions of the joint life of the peoples of the Russian Empire, and then the USSR. When the guns died down in the Second Chechen War, and units of the Ministry of Defense and the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs occupied the entire territory of the republic, which suffered an economic fiasco in an experiment with complete independence from Russia, the restoration of peaceful life in the republic and its reintegration into Russia began.

The main role here was played by such structures as the FSB (the Directorate of the Federal Security Service for the Chechen Republic was headed by Sergei Leonidovich Babkin) and the Prosecutor's Office.

Moreover, the common people in Chechnya suffered so much from the militants during the independence of the republic that a rare phenomenon occurred: prosecutors, whom few people usually love, are still remembered with gratitude by ordinary people in Chechnya.

At least, this applies to Chernov V.G., who headed the prosecutor's office of the Chechen Republic in the most difficult period, and Ponomarev Yu.A., who then headed the prosecutor's office of the city of Grozny (and later the prosecutor's office of Chechnya). Both prosecutors turned out to be so uncompromising in relation to the militants, and so clearly defended the interests of civilians and the restoration of the economy of the republic, that, along with the leadership of the FSB and members of the Government of the republic, they were sentenced to extermination by militants and became targets of assassination attempts.

But, of course, the main thing in General Babkin's interview is the story about the strategic reasons for the return of Chechnya to Russia and the details of this difficult and lengthy process. This is unique information, and at such a deep level, it is unlikely that anyone other than Sergei Babkin could systematize and explain those events.

- Sergey Leonidovich, the situation in the North Caucasus at the beginning of the second Chechen campaign was difficult...

The situation was extremely difficult. According to the Khasavyurt agreements, Chechnya gained de facto independence from Russia. Federal bodies of state power did not act on its territory. It would seem that Chechnya has achieved what it fought for - independence. But here, nothing happened.

The central Chechen government was more nominal than real. There was a simple rule in the republic: whoever has more trunks is right. The republic actually turned into a criminal enclave, on the territory of which no laws worked at all. Various criminals from all over Russia fled there en masse and found refuge there.

Kidnappings and the slave trade flourished. Hundreds of people in all regions of Russia were forcibly captured and transported to Chechnya. Then they were either demanded a ransom or turned into slaves. The republic became a hotbed of world terrorism. The well-known terrorist Khattab organized training camps for militants, various terrorist attacks were planned there, which were then carried out in Russia.

On this soil, Wahhabism flourished, which, under the slogan of creating a caliphate, led to an attempt to spread these orders beyond the borders of Chechnya, to the entire North Caucasus. Armed detachments of militants invaded Dagestan and tried to take it under their control. The patience of the federal authorities has run out. Thus began the second Chechen war.

- Did the Chechens like such orders?

Most did not like it at all, but they simply had nowhere to go. But there were also real forces in Chechnya that tried to oppose these orders. First of all, these are groups controlled by Akhmad Kadyrov and the Yamadayev brothers. From the very beginning of the campaign, the federal authorities took a course of cooperation with them, and this decision contributed to the successful implementation of the tasks set.

- What tasks did the federal troops face in Chechnya?

The first is to defeat the militants and restore constitutional order. At the same time, to minimize the losses of personnel and the civilian population - peaceful Chechens. General Shamanov, who commanded the western grouping of troops in 1999, agreed with entire regions and their elders that he would not bomb the corresponding settlements, and from there there would be no shelling of federal troops. Of course, the elders took a big risk, because in the eyes of the militants they looked like "traitors". And yet it worked. The Chechens even handed over their weapons - not much, but they handed over.

- Why was the second Chechen campaign more successful than the first?

Much has changed in Russia itself. On December 31, 1999, President Yeltsin left his post and handed over powers to Vladimir Putin. The first thing he did was to fly to Chechnya and congratulate the servicemen on the New Year. I remember well - it then made a tremendous impression on everyone. If in the first Chechen war the federal troops were constantly haunted by some sense of betrayal on the part of the authorities, then in the second there was confidence that this time the matter would be brought to an end. The army and special services got the opportunity to work as they know how - professionally.

Much has changed in Chechnya. The euphoria from the "struggle for freedom" has gone, the independence that has been gained turned out to be not at all attractive for the majority. Therefore, the federal troops were already perceived by the population as liberators.

The defeat of the militants was, in general, predetermined. But this was only the beginning of a solution to a much more complex problem.

- Which?

Reconstruction of the Chechen economy, its reintegration into the Russian economic space. It is impossible to convey in words what the economy of the republic was like. There are practically no industrial enterprises - in some places there are handicraft industries. The education system is destroyed, health care - too. Even subsistence agriculture was dangerous - many fields were mined. The almost complete absence of energy, roads, infrastructure. It can be said that not only did the economy not exist, it existed with a minus sign. And without the economy, there can be no peaceful stable life.

- And how did the economic recovery begin?

From frames. At that time, Chechnya did not have its own managerial personnel of such a scale as to create from scratch the economy and financial system of the whole republic. After all, Chechnya fought for many years, not educated people were in demand, but those who knew how to hold weapons. Therefore, qualified specialists from all over Russia were invited. An experienced power engineer, business executive Stanislav Ilyasov was appointed chairman of the government of Chechnya. He comes from Dagestan, so he was perceived as "his". And Sergei Abramov, a strong professional with a Caucasian character, became the Minister of Finance. Oleg Zhidkov, an experienced Caucasian politician, was invited to the post of mayor of Grozny. With them came small teams of like-minded people. I would like to emphasize that accepting an offer to work in Chechnya required from the candidates not only high professionalism, but also considerable personal courage.

- And what was it?

At the time, it was a very dangerous job. All members of the government took with them to work not only a briefcase with official documents, but also a machine gun. There was no other way... I remember the difficult conditions under which the government and administration moved from Gudermes to Grozny in May-July 2001. The city was destroyed, daily shelling and explosions, working and living conditions are literally Spartan, and at the same time, a lot of urgent and responsible decisions had to be made.

Or the population census conducted in Russia and, of course, in Chechnya in 2002. How can you plan something without knowing how many people live in the republic and which of them can work? So, the census takers went from house to house, accompanied by military commandant's offices or employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. And how many terrorist attacks aimed at destroying census data were stopped by the FSB!

But it was the members of the government who had the hardest time. Here is the Sergei Abramov I mentioned. In what only alterations did not visit. Once he was late for a helicopter - and right before his eyes he was shot down, everyone on board died. In December 2002, suicide bombers attacked the Government House, killing and injuring a large number of people. The explosion was so powerful that the engine from the "Kamaz" of the terrorists broke through the building and got stuck in the last wall. She saved Abramov's employees and himself. Then he survived several more assassination attempts. And he did not break down, he entered the history of Chechnya as an "inflexible" finance minister, and then as a prime minister.

- And why "inflexible"?

Because "it's so simple", without legal grounds, he did not give money to anyone. Once Abramov was even shot for this. He, let's say, a group of local residents armed with machine guns demanded a large amount of money from the republican treasury. Having received a refusal, Abramov was taken out into the street, placed against the wall, took aim and fired a volley, as it turned out later, overhead. But they never received a penny. A lot can be said about the difficult everyday life of everyone who has taken on the heavy burden of establishing a peaceful life in Chechnya. I'm not talking about law enforcement officers who daily committed heroic deeds. This is a separate topic, and you can talk about it for hours.

- How was the result assessed? According to the reports of the authorities or the military?

Not only reports. First, the President of Russia personally repeatedly studied the situation, made adjustments, visiting both Grozny and remote areas. Secondly, Sergei Ivanov, who was then the Minister of Defense, constantly came to Chechnya. In addition to inspecting the troops of the 42nd division, which worked in Chechnya, he actively participated in the establishment of a peaceful life. Somewhere he helped with advice, but somewhere he used the resources of the Ministry of Defense. And when a leader personally sees how things are going on the ground, you can't fool him with fake reporting.

Nikolay Patrushev, head of the Operational Headquarters (OSh), director of the FSB, heads of the State Duma, ministries and departments regularly visited the republic. They immediately made a lot of decisions directly in the Chechen Republic and provided practical assistance to local authorities.

And the results were not long in coming. For example, they opened the Argun thermal power plant with great enthusiasm, met the first plane after the restoration of air communication with the republic, the first train, and rejoiced at the first calls by cellular communication.

In 2003, kindergartens and schools began to appear in military camps. The officers brought the families to Chechnya. This, of course, is an indicator that peaceful life has been actively developing. After all, who, if not officers, knew the real state of affairs.

- For three years have passed a way to a peaceful life?

Not certainly in that way. But three years later it became possible to bring the families of military personnel, life was much calmer and safer. Although the process of liquidating bandit formations, as a rule, is very long. For example, after the Great Patriotic War, the "forest brothers" in the Baltic States were destroyed for more than ten years. Basmachi after the civilian in Central Asia - about the same. When the territory of Chechnya was completely taken under control by the army, the militants switched to partisan tactics, and the difficult work began to identify and destroy them. On the one hand, law enforcement agencies worked, and on the other, an economic base was created, jobs were opened so that people could quickly return to civilian life. Of course, all this was very difficult, each step forward improved the situation, but it still remained very far from the norm.

- But nevertheless, we managed to restore the economy of Chechnya, it is gaining momentum, the life of Chechens is changing for the better ...

Managed. Most people think that all this is due to the fact that a lot of federal money was sent to the republic. This, of course, is true. And now I think more about those people with whom I then had to work together. If it were not for their heroic work in the full sense of the word, now in Chechnya it would be completely different.

The fight against extremism in Russia is gaining momentum. In this case, this is not about bloggers or criminals who seek to give a political connotation to their person in order to avoid punishment, but about real extremists - those who commit terrorist attacks and arrange wars within sovereign states. In this regard, the memoirs of the direct participants in the First and, in particular, the Second Chechen War seem especially valuable.

After all, it was those events in the fate of Russia that showed how dangerous extremists can be if they are allowed to raise their heads even in a relatively small region. And how much grief they can bring to the whole country, trying to force their ideas about the structure of society into reality.

An interview with FSB General Sergei Leonidovich Babkin tells just about those events. General Babkin surprisingly accurately showed the underlying reasons for the return of Chechnya to the Russian Federation, from which it was de facto withdrawn before the second Chechen war.

Much has been written about the events of the Second Chechen War. Part of the information - about the actions of law enforcement agencies - is, in principle, known. For example, the work of the Regional Operational Headquarters - the so-called ROSH - is quite well described in the press. ROSH was just responsible for the complete return of Chechnya to Russia - both for the military and for the civilian component.

The most media attention, quite naturally, was given to the Joint Group of Troops (Forces) in the North Caucasus - the OGV(s), which was headed at different times by the famous Russian military leaders Viktor Kazantsev, Vladimir Moltenskoy, Sergei Makarov, Valery Baranov, Vyacheslav Dadonov. Increased attention to the OGV (s) is due to the fact that, of course, the most dramatic and publicly visible events unfolded with the participation of troops - primarily units of the Ministry of Defense and the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, as well as special services - among which the FSB and the GRU played the most significant role.

In addition to the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the FSB, the OGV (s) included the Police, Border Troops, the Ministry of Justice, and the Prosecutor's Office. The total number of security forces controlled by the OGV (s) was about 100 thousand people.

Much has been written about the heroic path of the 42nd motorized rifle division, which at various times of this period was commanded by the legendary Russian combat generals Vladimir Chirkin, Sergey Surovikin, Arkady Bakhin. It was this structure that ensured the use of force by the army in Chechnya - practically everything, except for the operation of military aviation, which motorized rifles simply do not have at their disposal.

Much less is known about the actions of the FSB and the GRU in Chechnya, due to their traditional secrecy.

From FSB General Babkin, who headed the FSB of the Chechen Republic during the Second Chechen War, in the first place, one could expect a story about the work of the FSB. However, as a person who thinks strategically and acts, Lieutenant General Sergei Babkin showed that the return of Chechnya to Russia was a much deeper undertaking than military operations and the actions of special services. Surprisingly, Sergei Babkin showed what, in principle, no one was hiding. However, not everyone who saw these facts lying on the surface noticed them, and even less understood them.

Here is an interview with Sergei Babkin:

The modern history of Russia has not yet been written. The more important are the testimonies of the participants and eyewitnesses of the events. Our today's interlocutor is retired Lieutenant General of the FSB Sergei Leonidovich Babkin. In 1999-2000, during the counter-terrorist operation on the territory of the Chechen Republic, he was the head of the FSB task force of the federal forces in the North Caucasus "West", commanded by Vladimir Shamanov, and in 2001-2003 he worked as the head of the FSB in the Chechen Republic.

Sergey Leonidovich, the situation in the North Caucasus at the beginning of the second Chechen campaign was difficult ...

Sergei Babkin: The situation was extremely difficult. According to the Khasavyurt agreements, Chechnya gained de facto independence from Russia. Federal bodies of state power did not act on its territory. It would seem that Chechnya has achieved what it fought for - independence. But here, nothing happened.

The central Chechen government was more nominal than real. There was a simple rule in the republic: whoever has more trunks is right. The republic actually turned into a criminal enclave, on the territory of which no laws worked at all. Various criminals from all over Russia fled there en masse and found refuge there.

Kidnappings and the slave trade flourished. Hundreds of people in all regions of Russia were forcibly captured and transported to Chechnya. Then they were either demanded a ransom or turned into slaves. The republic became a hotbed of world terrorism. The well-known terrorist Khattab organized training camps for militants, various terrorist attacks were planned there, which were then carried out in Russia.

On this soil, Wahhabism flourished, which, under the slogan of creating a caliphate, led to an attempt to spread these orders beyond the borders of Chechnya, to the entire North Caucasus. Armed detachments of militants invaded Dagestan and tried to take it under their control. The patience of the federal authorities has run out. Thus began the second Chechen war.

Did the Chechens like such orders?

Sergei Babkin: Most of them did not like it at all, but they simply had nowhere to go. But there were also real forces in Chechnya that tried to oppose these orders. First of all, these are groups controlled by Akhmad Kadyrov and the Yamadayev brothers. From the very beginning of the campaign, the federal authorities took a course of cooperation with them, and this decision contributed to the successful implementation of the tasks set.

What tasks did the federal troops face in Chechnya?

Sergey Babkin: The first thing is to defeat the militants and restore constitutional order. At the same time, to minimize the losses of personnel and the civilian population - peaceful Chechens. General Shamanov, who commanded the western grouping of troops in 1999, agreed with entire regions and their elders that he would not bomb the corresponding settlements, and from there there would be no shelling of federal troops. Of course, the elders took a big risk, because in the eyes of the militants they looked like "traitors". And yet it worked. The Chechens even handed over their weapons - not much, but they handed over.

Why was the second Chechen campaign more successful than the first?

Sergei Babkin: Much has changed in Russia itself. On December 31, 1999, President Yeltsin left his post and handed over powers to Vladimir Putin. The first thing he did was to fly to Chechnya and congratulate the servicemen on the New Year. I remember well - it then made a tremendous impression on everyone. If in the first Chechen war the federal troops were constantly haunted by some sense of betrayal on the part of the authorities, then in the second there was confidence that this time the matter would be brought to an end. The army and special services got the opportunity to work as they know how - professionally.

Much has changed in Chechnya. The euphoria from the "struggle for freedom" has gone, the independence that has been gained turned out to be not at all attractive for the majority. Therefore, the federal troops were already perceived by the population as liberators.

The defeat of the militants was, in general, predetermined. But this was only the beginning of a solution to a much more complex problem.

Sergey Babkin: Reconstruction of the Chechen economy, its reintegration into the Russian economic space. It is impossible to convey in words what the economy of the republic was like. There are practically no industrial enterprises - in some places there are handicraft industries. The education system is destroyed, health care - too. Even subsistence agriculture was dangerous - many fields were mined. The almost complete absence of energy, roads, infrastructure. It can be said that not only did the economy not exist, it existed with a minus sign. And without the economy, there can be no peaceful stable life.

And how did the economic recovery begin?

Sergey Babkin: From the frames. At that time, Chechnya did not have its own managerial personnel of such a scale as to create from scratch the economy and financial system of the whole republic. After all, Chechnya fought for many years, not educated people were in demand, but those who knew how to hold weapons. Therefore, qualified specialists from all over Russia were invited. An experienced power engineer, business executive Stanislav Ilyasov was appointed chairman of the government of Chechnya. He comes from Dagestan, so he was perceived as "his". And Sergei Abramov, a strong professional with a Caucasian character, became the Minister of Finance. Oleg Zhidkov, an experienced Caucasian politician, was invited to the post of mayor of Grozny. With them came small teams of like-minded people. I would like to emphasize that accepting an offer to work in Chechnya required from the candidates not only high professionalism, but also considerable personal courage.

And what was it?

Sergey Babkin: At that time it was a very dangerous job. All members of the government took with them to work not only a briefcase with official documents, but also a machine gun. There was no other way... I remember the difficult conditions under which the government and administration moved from Gudermes to Grozny in May-July 2001. The city was destroyed, daily shelling and explosions, working and living conditions are literally Spartan, and at the same time, a lot of urgent and responsible decisions had to be made.

Or the population census conducted in Russia and, of course, in Chechnya in 2002. How can you plan something without knowing how many people live in the republic and which of them can work? So, the census takers went from house to house, accompanied by military commandant's offices or employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. And how many terrorist attacks aimed at destroying census data were stopped by the FSB!

But it was the members of the government who had the hardest time. Here is the Sergei Abramov I mentioned. In what only alterations did not visit. Once he was late for a helicopter - and right before his eyes he was shot down, everyone on board died. In December 2002, suicide bombers attacked the Government House, killing and injuring a large number of people. The explosion was so powerful that the engine from the "Kamaz" of the terrorists broke through the building and got stuck in the last wall. She saved Abramov's employees and himself. Then he survived several more assassination attempts. And he did not break down, he entered the history of Chechnya as an "inflexible" finance minister, and then as a prime minister.

Why "inflexible"?

Sergey Babkin: Because "it's so simple", without legal grounds, he did not give money to anyone. Once Abramov was even shot for this. He, let's say, a group of local residents armed with machine guns demanded a large amount of money from the republican treasury. Having received a refusal, Abramov was taken out into the street, placed against the wall, took aim and fired a volley, as it turned out later, overhead. But they never received a penny. A lot can be said about the difficult everyday life of everyone who has taken on the heavy burden of establishing a peaceful life in Chechnya. I'm not talking about law enforcement officers who daily committed heroic deeds. This is a separate topic, and you can talk about it for hours.

How was the result assessed? According to the reports of the authorities or the military?

Sergey Babkin: Not only according to reports. First, the President of Russia personally repeatedly studied the situation, made adjustments, visiting both Grozny and remote areas. Secondly, Sergei Ivanov, who was then the Minister of Defense, constantly came to Chechnya. In addition to inspecting the troops of the 42nd division, which worked in Chechnya, he actively participated in the establishment of a peaceful life. Somewhere he helped with advice, but somewhere he used the resources of the Ministry of Defense. And when a leader personally sees how things are going on the ground, you can't fool him with fake reporting.

Nikolay Patrushev, head of the Operational Headquarters (OSh), director of the FSB, heads of the State Duma, ministries and departments regularly visited the republic. They immediately made a lot of decisions directly in the Chechen Republic and provided practical assistance to local authorities.

And the results were not long in coming. For example, they opened the Argun thermal power plant with great enthusiasm, met the first plane after the restoration of air communication with the republic, the first train, and rejoiced at the first calls by cellular communication.

In 2003, kindergartens and schools began to appear in military camps. The officers brought the families to Chechnya. This, of course, is an indicator that peaceful life has been actively developing. After all, who, if not officers, knew the real state of affairs.

For three years have gone the way to a peaceful life?

Sergey Babkin: Not really. But three years later it became possible to bring the families of military personnel, life was much calmer and safer. Although the process of liquidating bandit formations, as a rule, is very long. For example, after the Great Patriotic War, the "forest brothers" in the Baltic States were destroyed for more than ten years. Basmachi after the civilian in Central Asia - about the same. When the territory of Chechnya was completely taken under control by the army, the militants switched to partisan tactics, and the difficult work began to identify and destroy them. On the one hand, law enforcement agencies worked, and on the other, an economic base was created, jobs were opened so that people could quickly return to civilian life. Of course, all this was very difficult, each step forward improved the situation, but it still remained very far from the norm.

But nevertheless, the economy of Chechnya was restored, it is gaining momentum, the life of Chechens is changing for the better ...

Sergey Babkin: It worked. Most people think that all this is due to the fact that a lot of federal money was sent to the republic. This, of course, is true. And now I think more about those people with whom I then had to work together. If it were not for their heroic work in the full sense of the word, now in Chechnya it would be completely different.